Dangerous Interloper (Mills & Boon Modern) (Penny Jordan Collection)
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Clare Connelly. Maisey Yates. Angela Bissell. Jennie Lucas. The Italian's One-Night Consequence. Cathy Williams. Jennifer Hayward. For One Night. The Secret the Italian Claims. Abby Green. Trish Morey. Kim Lawrence. Lucy Monroe. Lynne Graham. Andie Brock.
dangerous interloper mills boon modern penny jordan collection Manual
A Reason for Marriage. Raye Morgan.
Legally His. The Blackmail Baby. The Innocent Stefanides Bride. Unexpected Pleasures. The Future King's Pregnant Mistress. An Inconvenient Husband. Karen Van Der Zee. Marriage: To Claim His Twins. Unwanted Wedding. Conveniently His. High Society. Wedding Nights: Woman to Wed? The Sicilian Boss's Mistress. Second-Best Husband. Just One Night. Captive at the Sicilian Billionaire's Command. Catherine Spencer. As I have always considered the independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event could not be far off.
Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring.
Penny Jordan (1946–2011)
No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April , but the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of father of his people can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul. I answer, the ruin of the continent.
And that for several reasons. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England. After matters are made up as it is called can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible?
Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning. To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? In point of right and good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one which hath often happened shall say to several millions of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the growth of ours in every case which doth not promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it.
A pretty state we should soon be in under such a second-hand government, considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, that it would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal the acts for the sake of reinstating himself in the government of the provinces; in order, that he may accomplish by craft and subtilty, in the long run, what he cannot do by force and violence in the short one.
Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled and unpromising.
Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of their effects, and quit the continent. I dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain.
All they now possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after reconciliation?
I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars.
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It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby. No man can assign the least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz.
The republics of Europe are all and we may say always in peace. Holland and Swisserland are without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to enterprizing ruffians at home ; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by being formed on more natural principles, would negociate the mistake.
Men do not see their way out—Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve into useful matter.
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The representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress. The whole number in Congress will be at least Each Congress to sit and to choose a president by the following method.
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When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole Congress choose by ballot a president from out of the delegates of that province. In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper rotation.
source url And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority. Two members from each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the most populous parts thereof.
In this conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, knowledge and power. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority. Immediately after which, the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may God preserve, Amen.
Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least national expense. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America the law is king.
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